The scarcity of reviews are to be
noted, although the book is receiving more attention that its
predecessor: "['Guardians
of Power'] has never been so much as mentioned, let alone
reviewed, in any mainstream UK newspaper, although it was reviewed in
big newspapers in places like South Korea and Japan," its
authors David Cromwell and David Edwards tell Journalism.co.uk.
"[Newspeak]
will likely be more or less ignored, as other similar books have
been," they say. For Cromwell and Edwards, this is because the
approach and content of the books will mean that the mainstream media
will 'happily ignore' the books.
Others
will no doubt disagree with their reasoning, but the lack of coverage
of a site sparking raging debate, one that has drawn praise from the
likes of John Pilger and Noam Chomsky, is worth noting (in an email
to Journalism.co.uk, Chomsky said of Media Lens: "Its work,
what I've seen of it, is very careful and valuable").
Media
Lens email missives are received by 14,000 people each week, not a
huge number but significant nonetheless. The resulting emails then sent to journalists and editors, sometimes in their hundreds, have
been heavily criticised and mocked.
Indeed, in Newspeak, the
authors quote now editor of the Independent and then Observer editor
Roger Alton in an email to a Media Lens reader, over a complaint
about a particular article:
"Matey. This is utter
bollocks - the piece wasn't compromised. It was fine. Please stop
bother people about such junk."
In another, Alton wrote,
"Don't you have a mind of your own?"
The issues the
authors raise in their book are important - whatever your feeling
about the organisation's methodology and style. Many of the case
studies they present are troublesome and warrant further mainstream
attention - even if to challenge and debate them.
Problematic
conflicts are raised in their work: advertising placement for
example. Do advertisers wield influence over the Guardian and
Independent's editorial choices, as Media Lens suggests, or are they
a separate part of the news eco-system, with little editorial
influence?
Media Lens takes the liberal media as its target.
Even the most challenging of journalists cannot escape its critical
eye. A recent email, for example, critically
dissected the work of Nick Davies, one of the few journalists who
has campaigned to expose the wrongdoings of the British press.
Journalism.co.uk put questions to Media Lens about its
approach, methodology and the subsequent fallout. Their answers are
reproduced in full here. The comments box is open for
discussion.
[J.co.uk]
Can you share some examples of the 'bias' you expose in
Newspeak?
[DC / DE] We have a whole chapter
devoted to the BBC alone: a literal A-Z of BBC propaganda. We also
show how the media ignored or later dismissed careful scientific
studies into the Iraq mortality rate following the 2003 invasion.
We also give many examples of the
corporate media's demonising of state-designated enemies, notably
Iran and Hugo Chavez, the president of Venezuela.
These
supposed threats to Western civilisation, and alleged crimes and
undemocratic excesses, are expanded upon at length by the media,
echoing official pronouncements from Washington and Downing Street.
Meanwhile Israel, a major Western ally, endures minimal
scrutiny of its huge nuclear arsenal and its decades-long brutal
occupation and repeated violations of international law, including
major war crimes committed in its massacre of over 1,400 Palestinians
in Gaza in Dec 2008 - Jan 2009.
What is the impact of your
emails on journalists? Do you get feedback?
The feedback
is very mixed, as you'd expect. The best journalists actually use the
emails as ammunition in pushing for issues to be covered by their
newspapers.
Some like George Monbiot, Andrew Buncombe of the
Independent, former New Statesman editor Peter Wilby and former BBC
Newsnight editor Peter Barron have bounced back from harsh criticism
to support what we're doing.
Other journalists like Nick
Cohen and Peter Beaumont literally describe us as 'Stalinists'
administering 'email kickings' trying to enforce some kind of party
line - they think we‘re trying to shut down, rather than open up,
debate.
What we're actually trying to do is to encourage
popular participation in a media system that has traditionally
wielded 'power without responsibility', and been very much an elite
operation.
Politics, and media analysis, is a serious
business. When we were discussing the fraudulent pretexts for
attacking Iraq in 2002 early 2003, literally hundreds of thousands of
lives were at stake (it is likely that in excess of one million
Iraqis have died as a result of the invasion).
When we're
writing about catastrophic climate change - for example, the
hypocrisy of the liberal media calling for action while hosting
adverts for cut price air travel - the future of the planet is at
stake.
So while we recognise that it is uncomfortable for
journalists to receive emails from readers, the fact is that the
issues are very urgent and serious, while all they need do is twitch
their index fingers to delete the whole lot.
There's often
a gap between campaigners' views and the media representation of
them; how do you recommend getting angry and critical views into the
media as accurately as possible? Or is it a game not worth
playing?
The first thing is the views shouldn't be angry.
Our view is that anger filters and distorts reason - it promotes the
hatred, greed and irrationality that lie at the heart of systems of
exploitation. The main thing (for us) is to retain control of what
appears in the mainstream.
It's really noticeable that
mainstream broadcasters - the BBC, ITV, CNN - are quite keen to
invite us into TV studios. We've been invited on numerous times,
particularly by the BBC. And yet we're almost literally never invited
to contribute to comparable high-profile print media.
It's not
hard to understand why. In a TV or radio studio, we have very little
control over what happens, whereas we can insist on editorial control
of what appears in a newspaper.
Activists have to understand
that the mainstream will not give them a fair crack of the whip, will
not treat them sympathetically - they will be made to look foolish
and absurd. The more control they have, the less likely that is to
happen.
It's worth playing the game if you have control and
you're free to criticise the media and, ideally, the media hosting
you. To appear in the media without criticising the media lends them
respectability, legitimacy, credibility.
For example, it's
wrong to be honest about every subject under the sun in a Guardian
column, but not to criticise the liberal media.
Our own view
is that we should be encouraging people to move away from the
mainstream as far as possible. People should be devoting their time
to building honest, compassionate, non-corporate, not-for-profit
media like Democracy Now! and ZNet.
Why spend time allowing
the corporate media to offer occasional sops to dissent when these
are just fig leaves obscuring their real propaganda role?
I
assume that curing what you call the 'lethal bias in 'balanced'
reporting' is more complicated than organisations admitting 'it's not
balanced' - because some of your targets do admit bias (newspaper
commentators etc.) Is there an answer? Do you call for better
neutrality? Or better explanation that we're not neutral?
Neutrality
is neither possible nor desirable. Should we be neutral between the
torturer and the tortured? What does it mean to be neutral on a
planet on which all life is threatened by industrial pollution?
Should we be neutral between compassion on the one hand, and greed
and violence on the other?
Our view is that we should respond
as compassionate human beings to the suffering that surrounds us.
What does that mean? It means trying to understand the causes of
suffering and finding solutions to that suffering.
Take a
specific situation - Iraq in 2002 and 2003. To look seriously into
that crisis was to understand that it had been manufactured. Rational
analysis of credible sources (UN weapons inspectors, for example)
made clear that Iraq was not in any way a threat to global security.
The real threat was from cynical vested interest in the US
and UK who were interested in controlling Iraqi oil, securing a
military base in a key strategic region, and in promoting militarism,
justifying arms budgets and so on.
It was clear that these
interests were likely to cause awesome suffering in Iraq and
elsewhere.
The human journalistic response, then, was to try
and explain why Iraq was not a threat, why war was an absurdity, why
the crisis was being manufactured, who was behind it, and encourage
people to try and stop it.
But being biased in favour of
compassion is not the same as being dishonest. It is vital to look at
the evidence honestly - what was the likely status and condition of
Iraq's alleged weapons of mass destruction? What was the evidence?
How could we be sure Iraq wasn't a threat? These are human
judgements - you try to find the best, most credible evidence. It
doesn't mean you have scientific proof (even hard science isn't about
absolute certainty); it means you've done your best to address the
real problems as honestly as possible in a way that is most likely to
reduce suffering.
Are there as many 'free' thinkers, as
say, compared to 20 years ago? Who would you name as non-distortional
role models in journalism?
There are no role models of
completely unconstrained honesty. John Pilger comes closest, but
there are limits on what he is able to say (we are subject to the
same limits).
George Monbiot, Robert Fisk and Seumas Milne do
some good work, but they are all heavily compromised. Pilger is the
only mainstream journalist who really excels in his criticism of the
media. Fisk, for example, by comparison, is awful.
The
internet has, for the first time, made it possible for a mass
audience to bypass elite sources of information/propaganda. This
means there are many, many more free thinkers around than there were
twenty years ago. The vast global anti-war protests ahead of the
March 2003 Iraq invasion were an early sign of this. Events in South
Korea may well be a spectacular foretaste of what's to come.
You
explain on your site why you target 'liberal' media: can you
summarise why you think its reportage is particularly
dangerous?
Because the liberal media speaks in the
language of democracy, freedom and human rights. Progressives who
really care about suffering in the world don't look to obviously
right-wing, business-oriented media like the Times and the Telegraph
for enlightened reporting and commentary.
But when the
Guardian and the Independent tell us Nato was right to attack Serbia
in 1999, that Tony Blair really was passionately concerned about
Iraqi WMD, that Iran really is a threat to Western security, people
who care listen.
The liberal media also do host dissidents
like Monbiot, Fisk and Pilger. This is very powerful in obscuring the
otherwise highly propagandistic nature of these newspapers' wider
reporting and commentary.
Pilger has described himself as a
'fig leaf' at the New Statesman. It's like a vaccine - a tiny dose of
dissent inoculates the body politic against awareness that we are
overwhelmed by propaganda promoting a fraudulent, elite view of the
world. Finally, what would, in your view, a quick checklist
for reporters aiming to avoid news distortion look like?
They
should ask themselves these questions:
Am I motivated by self-interest: career advancement, status,
money, privilege and power?
Do I believe that my deepest happiness is found in working
for my own self-interest or in working for the welfare of others out
of love and compassion?
Do I believe my happiness and suffering are more important
than the happiness and suffering of others?
Do I believe the happiness and suffering of myself and my
immediate family, friends and loved ones are more important than
that of others?
Do I believe the happiness and suffering of people sharing my
nationality, race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, species etc
are more important than that of others?
Am I working for a corporation that is legally obliged to
subordinate human concerns to the quest for maximised profits?